Monday, May 04, 2009
Ghazi Salahuddin
We do have people who, in spite of realities that have manifested themselves in recent weeks, still insist that our war against religious militancy is in fact America’s war that Pakistan has been duped into fighting. But whose war are the Taliban fighting? And in this thickening fog, what are America’s interests and how does it propose to achieve them?
These, of course, are some of the many questions that we keep chewing, like addicts. Meanwhile, the overall situation has continued to worsen. This week, deadly violence erupted in Karachi with more fearful forebodings about the future of the state of Pakistan. In two days’ disturbances, more than thirty lives were lost. What cannot be measured is the fear that such derelictions inspire in the minds of the citizens who have been witness to so much bloodshed in the past.
Again, the complexity of what is happening in Karachi and the potential for disorder that resides in its brutalised psyche are so difficult to comprehend that analysts are tempted to find comfort in conspiracy theories. In the present circumstances, Karachi must also bear with the reverberations of upheavals that have shaken the distant northern areas because of its potent Pashtun identity. Indeed, there are valid apprehensions that what happened this week was merely a preview of something much more sinister to come.
As I have implied, the situation in Karachi has an umbilical connection, across the entire length of this country, with the Frontier province and the tribal areas. The threat of Talibanisation of Karachi is only one dimension of this mystifying bond between culturally the most backward and the most urbanised parts of the country. Not that the urban face of Karachi, as manifested in the politics of the MQM, is any easier to comprehend.
By the way, I saw this front page photograph in a Karachi daily in which two paramilitary personnel are seen standing alert on a somewhat hilly terrain, with low houses of cement blocks spread across a slope. I thought that if it were shown to people, with its caption hidden, it would be possible for some to think that it was, say, Buner and not Karachi.
In a sense, Karachi this week was a distraction. The big story is the military operation underway in Buner. It did take a long time in coming. On Thursday, the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee held its meeting in Rawalpindi and the top military leaders resolved to support the government in showing “zero tolerance” towards militancy in Malakand division. According to an ISPR spokesman, the military leaders expressed satisfaction over the progress of operations in Lower Dir, Buner and adjoining areas.
But the US officials may still have some doubts about this “zero tolerance” resolve. Bruce Riedel, a senior Obama administration official was even reported as telling a newspaper that Pakistani Army officers are afraid that if they ask the rank and file to fire on the Taliban too much, the whole army might disintegrate. There has not been any dearth of such scary formulations. So much so that commander of US Central Command, Gen David Petraeus was quoted by the Fox News to have told the US officials that next two weeks are “critical to determine whether the Pakistani government will survive”.
This comment was linked to the Pakistan Army’s operation because Gen Petraeus also said that he was looking to see concrete action against the Taliban in the next two weeks before determining America’s next course of action.
In the midst of these apocalyptic prognostications, President Obama’s comments published on Friday do provide evidence of US administration’s close and insightful study of the present state of affairs in Pakistan. During his prime-time news conference on his 100th day in office, Obama said he was gravely concerned about the stability of the Pakistani government, though he also expressed confidence about the security of our nuclear arsenal.
Talking about Pakistan, Obama did not focus on the Taliban or the military’s conduct in operations against militants. This is how he has been quoted: “I am more concerned that the civilian government right now is very fragile and don’t seem to have the capacity to deliver basic services. As a consequence, it’s very difficult for them to gain the support and loyalty of their people”. And he added: “So we need to help Pakistan help Pakistanis”.
How interesting. At the outset, I had referred to people who think Pakistan is fighting America’s war – and that has made all the difference. On the basis of what Obama has said, you may turn this around. Some people may now say that America is fighting on behalf of Pakistan’s people. Of course, Prime Minister Gilani has rejected the Obama claim that Pakistan’s government is fragile. Well, you may find some other word for it. But the heart of the matter is that the quality of our present rulers’ governance is extremely poor. There is a sense of institutional disarray and lack of a sense of direction.
During the past year, no concerted or innovative efforts were made to deal with the fundamental issues of poverty and hunger. Nor was any headway made in the field of education. In fact, with all the resources and expertise at its disposal, this government is not able to hold tests for thousands of applicants who want the job of primary school teachers. Cheating in exams is so rampant that a man was caught in Rawalpindi while appearing in an intermediate exam for a sitting PML-N MNA. The law and order situation is getting worse. There is a general perception that corruption has risen in many departments and that it is linked to top officials.
Ordinary citizens feel cheated and humiliated when they encounter the pompous motorcades of ministers and high officials and when they learn about the lifestyle of the VVIPs. The very size of the cabinets, at the federal as well as provincial levels, is obscene. Off-the-record comments by senior functionaries are no less scary than thoughts expressed by American think tanks. When it comes to whispers, every one seems to have lost hope.
One feature of this government is that it remains in a state of denial. Action on critical matters is generally delayed until it is too late. Look at how Asif Ali Zardari dealt with the lawyers’ movement. Look at how the situation in Swat was criminally neglected for months and months. Look at how the Balochistan crisis was left unattended. There are other examples of how the government lost its writ in large areas and didn’t know what to do about it. No wonder Nawaz Sharif, who is himself a part of the ruling coterie, said this week that the prevailing circumstances were more perilous than they were in 1971. But for our rulers, it seems business as usual.
The writer is a staff member. Email: ghazi_salahuddin@hotmail.com
0 comments:
Post a Comment